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Kyrgyz Republic Independence Day

08/30/2020

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Kyrgyz Republic Independence Day

08/30/2020 09:22 AM EDT

Michael R. Pompeo, Secretary of State

On behalf of the Government of the United States and the American people, I send best wishes to the people of the Kyrgyz Republic as you celebrate the 29^th anniversary of your independence.

The United States values the Kyrgyz Republic as a partner in advancing our mutual goals in the region. Since your independence, we have supported the Kyrgyz Republic’s efforts to develop its economy and build a dynamic civil society with over two billion dollars in assistance. Our support has continued during the current global pandemic, with the United States providing over four million dollars in COVID-19 specific assistance. We remain firmly committed to supporting the Kyrgyz Republic’s sovereignty, independence, and territorial integrity.

The United States looks forward to deepening our cooperation over the coming year. I congratulate the people of the Kyrgyz Republic as you celebrate your nation’s independence.

Kyrgyz Republic Independence Day

08/30/2020

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Kyrgyz Republic Independence Day

08/30/2020 09:22 AM EDT

Michael R. Pompeo, Secretary of State

On behalf of the Government of the United States and the American people, I send best wishes to the people of the Kyrgyz Republic as you celebrate the 29^th anniversary of your independence.

The United States looks forward to deepening our cooperation over the coming year. I congratulate the people of the Kyrgyz Republic as you celebrate your nation’s independence.

Public Schedule – August 31, 2020

08/31/2020

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Public Schedule – August 31, 2020

08/31/2020 08:15 AM EDT

Office of the Spokesperson

***THE DAILY PUBLIC SCHEDULE IS SUBJECT TO CHANGE***

SECRETARY MICHAEL R. POMPEO

10:30 a.m. Secretary Pompeo meets with the NATO Reflections Group, at the Department of State.
(CLOSED PRESS COVERAGE)

DEPUTY SECRETARY STEPHEN E. BIEGUN

11:45 a.m. Deputy Secretary Biegun delivers remarks virtually at the U.S.-India Strategic Partnership Forum Annual Summit. Please click here for more information.
(MEDIA DETERMINED BY HOST)

UNDER SECRETARY FOR POLITICAL AFFAIRS DAVID HALE

Under Secretary Hale attends meetings and briefings, at the Department of State.

UNDER SECRETARY FOR ECONOMIC GROWTH, ENERGY, AND THE ENVIRONMENT KEITH KRACH

Under Secretary Krach attends meetings and briefings, at the Department of State.

Assistant Secretary for Near Eastern Affairs David Schenker

Assistant Secretary Schenker is on travel to Kuwait, Qatar, and Lebanon from August 28 – September 4. Please click here for more information.

PRINCIPAL DEPUTY ASSISTANT SECRETARY FOR OCEANS AND INTERNATIONAL ENVIRONMENTAL AND SCIENTIFIC AFFAIRS JONATHAN MOORE

Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary Moore is on travel to Austria and Slovenia from August 27-September 3. Please click here for more information.

Uzbekistan Independence Day

08/31/2020

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Uzbekistan Independence Day

08/31/2020 08:19 AM EDT

Michael R. Pompeo, Secretary of State

On behalf of the Government of the United States and the American people, I extend warm greetings to the people of Uzbekistan as you celebrate the 29^th anniversary of your independence.

Cooperation between the United States and Uzbekistan has deepened over the past year despite the COVID-19 pandemic and other global challenges. We continue to strengthen our partnership in support of regional stability, security, and mutual prosperity, including through the C5+1 diplomatic platform and trilateral meetings with the Government of Afghanistan. As Uzbekistan continues to pursue a bold and ambitious reform agenda, our partnership will only expand.

I send best wishes to the people of Uzbekistan on this special day.

Uzbekistan Independence Day

08/31/2020

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Uzbekistan Independence Day

08/31/2020 08:19 AM EDT

Michael R. Pompeo, Secretary of State

On behalf of the Government of the United States and the American people, I extend warm greetings to the people of Uzbekistan as you celebrate the 29^th anniversary of your independence.

I send best wishes to the people of Uzbekistan on this special day.

Troika Statement on the Peace Agreement between Sudan Armed Opposition Groups

08/31/2020

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Troika Statement on the Peace Agreement between Sudan Armed Opposition Groups

08/31/2020 10:50 AM EDT

Office of the Spokesperson

The United States, the United Kingdom, and Norway (the Troika) welcome the peace agreement between the Sudan Revolutionary Front (SRF) and the Civilian-led Transitional Government of Sudan, initialed on 28 August 2020 as the first step in a long process to rebuild hope and stability for conflict-affected communities in Sudan. The peace agreement lays a foundation for sustainable peace and stability in Darfur and other conflict-affected areas that is critical for Sudan’s democratic transition.

We recognize the concessions all have made to conclude these negotiations and call on all parties to implement the agreement in good faith, with the same spirit of partnership and compromise, and in a way that complement the ongoing talks with other groups. The agreement demonstrates the commitment of the parties to prioritize peace as called for in the August 2019 Constitutional Decree. It is an important step in restoring security, dignity, and development to the population of Sudan’s conflict-affected and marginalized areas. We believe the formal agreement must be followed up with local peace and reconciliation efforts in the conflict-affected areas.

The Troika urges the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement-North-Abdelaziz al-Hilu and the Sudan Liberation Movement-Abdulwahid Al Nur to build on this achievement and to engage in serious negotiations with the Government of Sudan in order to achieve the promise of a comprehensive peace called for by the Sudanese people in the revolution of December 2018. All Sudanese have the right to live in peace and enjoy the same privileges and responsibilities. Only a fully inclusive national process can address fundamental questions relating to the identity of the state.

The non-violent December 2018 Revolution provided a once-in-a generation opportunity to transform Sudan into an inclusive, peaceful, and just state. The recent increase in violence in in Darfur, South Kordofan and Blue Nile states, and Port Sudan highlights the challenges to achieving sustainable peace. We urge the government and its partners to establish the Peace Commission and the Transitional Legislative Council and begin to bring accountable administration and justice to all of Sudan. A just Sudan requires neutral and professional security services that protect and safeguard all Sudanese equally. We urge the SRF, other opposition groups, and political parties to put aside differences and personal ambitions for the good of their entire country. The Troika urges Sudan’s diverse communities to overcome old enmities and to unite to support this singular opportunity for lasting peace.

We commend the Government of South Sudan for its role in mediating the peace negotiations, and recognize the valuable support provided by the United Nations and regional and bilateral partners that helped make the peace agreement possible.

The Troika will continue to support the Sudanese people in their quest for freedom, peace, and justice.

Trinidad and Tobago’s Independence Day

08/31/2020

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Trinidad and Tobago’s Independence Day

08/31/2020 11:22 AM EDT

Michael R. Pompeo, Secretary of State

On behalf of the Government of the United States and the American people, I extend my congratulations to the people of Trinidad and Tobago as you celebrate your 58th Independence Day.

The United States values the strong ties between the American and Trinidadian and Tobagonian people and our work together on initiatives that strengthen our partnership and our economies. Our exchange programs will continue to build personal and professional relationships between our people in every field, from sports and youth civic engagement to public health and disaster preparedness. We also look forward to continuing our collaboration under the U.S.-Caribbean Resilience Partnership and U.S.-Caribbean 2020 Strategy.

On this day of celebration, I send our best wishes to Trinidadians and Tobagonians for peace, prosperity, and good health in the coming year.

Trinidad and Tobago’s Independence Day

08/31/2020

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Trinidad and Tobago’s Independence Day

08/31/2020 11:22 AM EDT

Michael R. Pompeo, Secretary of State

On behalf of the Government of the United States and the American people, I extend my congratulations to the people of Trinidad and Tobago as you celebrate your 58th Independence Day.

On this day of celebration, I send our best wishes to Trinidadians and Tobagonians for peace, prosperity, and good health in the coming year.

Secretary Michael R. Pompeo With Vince Coglianese and Mary Walter of WMAL’s Mornings On The Mall Radio Show

08/31/2020

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Secretary Michael R. Pompeo With Vince Coglianese and Mary Walter of WMAL’s Mornings On The Mall Radio Show

08/31/2020 11:40 AM EDT

Michael R. Pompeo, Secretary of State

Via Teleconference

QUESTION: And joining us right now on Mornings on the Mall: Secretary of State Mike Pompeo. Mr. Secretary, great to have you with us this morning.

SECRETARY POMPEO: It’s great to be with you, too. Good morning.

QUESTION: So many things to talk about. I saw Jared Kushner, the senior advisor to the President, is in the Middle East. He made an historic flight from Israel to the UAE this weekend, which is just the latest step in the connection between those two countries. There is some conversation about another country coming on soon. Can you give us an indication of when that might happen?

SECRETARY POMPEO: Well, goodness, the work has been done over a couple years under President Trump to create Middle East stability, to identify Iran as the world’s largest state sponsor of terror, and to build out a security arrangement is now beginning to yield real tangible results. Mr. Kushner’s visit today to the Emirates followed my trip there just last week where I visited Oman, Bahrain, the Emirates, and Israel, all aimed – and Sudan – all singularly aimed at building out on the work that we have done.

I don’t know which country will choose to recognize Israel next, but I’m confident that every nation in the world will come to recognize Israel, the Jewish homeland, as the rightful place, and country that they’ll want to do business with for their own interest, their security interest, their economic interest, and frankly it’s just the right thing to do.

QUESTION: How important is all of that to dealing with Iran in the Middle East?

SECRETARY POMPEO: It’s central. These countries all are under threat. You saw the Iranian reaction to the announcement about the recognition of Israel by the United Arab Emirates. They threatened them, they bullied them, they said they would knock down all the glass towers in the Emirates. It is the Islamic Republic of Iran that poses the instability in the Middle East. President Trump took that on from the very beginning of his time, whether it was withdrawing from the ridiculous JCPOA, the Iran nuclear deal; whether it was the strike we took against Qasem Soleimani – all of the things we have done to deter and to put pressure on the regime in Iran benefit those nations in the Middle East. And their capacity to cooperate – the Emiratis and Israelis can have the capacity to cooperate in securing the Middle East against this enormous threat.

QUESTION: Secretary Pompeo, when you made the announcement, when your – the administration made the announcement of this historic deal between UAE and Israel, the UAE was recognizing Israel’s existence and legitimacy – and something interesting happened. You had Joe Biden come out and basically try and take credit for the deal. He suggested that this was only the latest iteration, building on the work of prior administrations. But it kind of sounds like, if I have my facts right, that the way that the Obama administration contributed to this was to actually empower Iran, make Iran more threatening, give Iran billions of dollars, and allow them to commit acts of proxy violence around the region. That maybe actually helped push UAE to the table, no?

SECRETARY POMPEO: It was crazy – (laughter) – when I heard the former Vice President make that statement. The previous administration took a fundamentally different approach. It transferred, as you said, billions of dollars in wealth to the Islamic Republic of Iran to that regime. It created a condition where the Palestinians had a veto over stability in the Middle East. This administration said we’ve tried for 40 years the previous model, and the previous eight years before President Trump for sure we’ve tried that; we’re going to go down a different path. We’re going to recognize the rightful capital of Israel as Jerusalem, we’re going to acknowledge what took place on the Golan Heights and that these settlements can be lawful. All of these things created the conditions, and then the United States preparedness to put pressure on Iran allowed the states in the Gulf, Arab states throughout the region to begin to say it’s the right thing to do, we can create stability.

We want good things for the Palestinian people, all of us do, but underneath the umbrella of the President’s vision for peace in the region, it’s the right thing to do to recognize, and we hope more countries will take us up on that and take the Israelis up on that offer, just to coexist and to work along each other for – alongside each other for peace in the coming weeks and months.

QUESTION: So Bloomberg just ran a report that the U.S. is pushing China and Iran closer together, and that under the pressure the two are said to be contemplating a 25-year strategic partnership. How does this change the landscape in the world?

SECRETARY POMPEO: Well, China has important interests, and it is – it probably should come as no surprise to anyone that two of the world’s greatest violators of basic human rights might find common cause. So we, when watching this unfold as well – one of the things we’ve been working on is that the – this nuclear deal allows the Iranians to buy and sell weapons in a month and a half, in six weeks. It was crazy. It’s unsafe; it’s destabilizing. One of the people who – one of the countries that would like to sell weapons to Iran would be China. They’ll make a lot of money off of it.

I’m sure the Chinese will buy some systems from Iran as well. We’ve got to prevent this from happening, and the world should know that should China choose to violate the sanctions that we have imposed against Iran, that we’ll hold everyone accountable. We are neutral as to holding every actor that violates the U.S. sanctions against Iran accountable, and following October – and following the snapback, which we expect will take place in just a couple of weeks, all of the UN sanctions will be imposed again against Iran and we will reduce the opportunity that China might have to form common cause with Iran.

QUESTION: Speaking of China, the President announced a couple weeks ago that he’s very concerned about one of the most popular apps in the United States – social media apps. It’s called TikTok, and it’s owned by a Chinese company ByteDance. There is some consideration, the President said, of allowing a U.S. company to acquire TikTok, and then everything would be fine. He will not ban the social media network at that point, but we hear – we see news over the weekend, Secretary Pompeo, that the Chinese have maneuvered that now the Communist Party of China will have to grant permission for such a sale were it to take place. In your estimation, will TikTok be banned from the United States?

SECRETARY POMPEO: Goodness, I couldn’t answer that question. What we know is this: We will ban the Chinese Communist Party from stealing the information – your information, my information, your kids’ information, whoever is using TikTok. We will prevent that information from being placed in the hands of the Chinese national security apparatus and the Chinese Communist Party. The President’s purpose in this is not to harm any one company or to harm anyone who wants to have access to social media, but to protect and preserve American national security.

So I don’t know how this will unfold. We saw the decision that the Chinese made across this weekend. What we know is that our obligation is to make sure that our people’s data doesn’t end up in the wrong place – addresses, names, health information, facial recognition data sets – all of those things that the Chinese Communist Party would love to have on hundreds of millions of Americans, we’re going to do everything we can to prevent them from having it. And the executive order the President issues with respect to technology, which would include TikTok, is a central part of that.

QUESTION: You talk about information getting into the Chinese hands. Yet another university professor or researcher at University of Virginia was arrested trying to get on a plane to China, and he is allegedly – was trying to board that plane with stolen research. He’s been charged with federal crimes. There seems to be one of these stories a week with researchers or professors tied to our universities that are Chinese nationals or students that are taking our technology and sending it to China. How do we stop this?

SECRETARY POMPEO: Mary, we’re working hard at it. I regret only that for decades we’ve allowed this to go on. No administration has taken this seriously until these last couple years when President Trump began to demand that we get this right. So it’s a real challenge. You have the Thousand Talents program; you have all these efforts that the Chinese Government has made to infiltrate American university systems. And you’re seeing – you saw the decision that the State Department made to demand that the Chinese consulate, their diplomatic facility in Houston, Texas which was a den of spies, be closed. We sent them home. You’ve seen the Justice Department and the FBI working hand-in-hand with each other and with the State Department to make sure that we protect this exact data.

We know this: We know that the Chinese Communist Party has stolen hundreds of billions of dollars of intellectual property, and with that tens and hundreds of thousands of American jobs. That’s a – the real hardship of this is that all of these jobs that have gone to China because they’ve stolen this information, either by taking it through cyber means or, as you’ve described, by their people actively working inside of our places of research. President Trump is determined to stop this, and for the first time – for the first time in decades, you have an administration that is taking this threat from the Chinese Communist Party seriously.

QUESTION: Well, what’s even more disgusting about this is – if it could get more disgusting, Mr. Secretary – is that what we have is, like, U.S. taxpayers are paying for research grants for these institutions. The professors then use those grants to conduct the research and then they send their findings to the Chinese Government, who is sending them money.

SECRETARY POMPEO: It’s crazy. And then they turn around and take that data, use it to develop products, and then subsidize those products and sell them back here – things like that AI machine learning software, companies like a TikTok, right, where there’s these data and the things that they learned through stealing intellectual property from the United States. So we’ve got a full-on campaign, a counterintelligence campaign, an FBI effort, a Justice Department effort, and then the work that we will do diplomatically and economically, as you have seen the President demand, for the first time, a reasonable, reciprocal trade arrangement with China. There certainly remains much work to do, but President Trump is very focused on this. I regret only – and this is not partisan. There were Republican presidents and Democrat presidents that preceded President Trump. None of them took this threat seriously.

QUESTION: Wouldn’t it be easier and quicker to just sanction them by not allowing any more Chinese students to come into this country for a period of X number of years, no more Chinese researchers for an X number of years, and solve the problem, cut them off right away?

SECRETARY POMPEO: I don’t want to get in front of decisions that the President is evaluating. Look, not every Chinese student who is here is working on behalf of or at the behest of the direction of the Chinese Communist Party, but it’s something President Trump has taken a serious, serious look at. I think —

QUESTION: But those students —

SECRETARY POMPEO: I think you’ll see more to follow in the coming weeks and months.

QUESTION: Looking forward to those announcements, but just – but Secretary Pompeo, one of the interesting things about all this is those students by and large are not here because they’re being sent as spies, but do live under the threat of their families being impacted by the Communist Party back home, no?

SECRETARY POMPEO: That’s correct. And it is also the case that nearly every student who is here is being watched, right. The Chinese Communist Party is watching them, making sure that they’re engaged in behavior that’s consistent with what the Chinese Communist Party wants them to do. That is absolutely the case. They’re not – you wouldn’t consider them spies in the most formal sense, but many of these students are under enormous pressure as a result of the activity that the Chinese Communist Party is taking back home.

QUESTION: China and Iran being on our radar, very obvious. We haven’t heard much about Russia. Are things quiet with Russia now?

SECRETARY POMPEO: Actually, lots going on with Russia, some of it good, some of it much less so. We’re working closely with them to try and figure out a way to take down the risk of nuclear weapons ever being used. We’re in detailed discussions with them on a arms control agreement. We made real progress in the last couple weeks. I hope we could get that done before the end of the year, would be a good thing for the world, take down risk from nuclear weapons. We work with them on counterterrorism, but we’ve also seen them engage in malign activity all across the world and we’ve made clear to them too our expectation that they won’t get involved in our election as well.

QUESTION: And then we saw – we did see a report from this past week that we have intercepted a Russian aircraft off the coast of Alaska, as well as a submarine just last Thursday off the coast of Alaska. Are these incidents picking up?

SECRETARY POMPEO: I’ll leave to the Department of Defense to talk about the details of that, but it’s the case that we have watched increasing Russian activity, both there in the region in and around Alaska and in other parts of the world. We saw the incident last week where a Russian vehicle intentionally rammed an American vehicle. These are the kinds of things that we work closely with the Russians to say this is unacceptable behavior, that America will respond.

QUESTION: Secretary of State Mike Pompeo, thank you so much for your time. Just on a lighter note, one quick thing: I graduated high school with your Under Secretary David Hale. Could you please tell him to return my phone call? (Laughter.)

SECRETARY POMPEO: I’ll tell David to give you a holler. (Laughter.)

QUESTION: Thank you very much, Mr. Secretary.

SECRETARY POMPEO: Thank you very —

QUESTION: I have to go to the top to get a return phone call. (Laughter.)

QUESTION: That’s right. (Inaudible.)

SECRETARY POMPEO: I’ll make it happen. Thank you all.

QUESTION: Thank you very much, Secretary.

SECRETARY POMPEO: You all have a great day.

QUESTION: Have a great day. Mike Pompeo. This was Mornings on the Mall. Hold tight.

Secretary Michael R. Pompeo With Vince Coglianese and Mary Walter of WMAL’s Mornings On The Mall Radio Show

08/31/2020

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Secretary Michael R. Pompeo With Vince Coglianese and Mary Walter of WMAL’s Mornings On The Mall Radio Show

08/31/2020 11:40 AM EDT

Michael R. Pompeo, Secretary of State

Via Teleconference

QUESTION: And joining us right now on Mornings on the Mall: Secretary of State Mike Pompeo. Mr. Secretary, great to have you with us this morning.

SECRETARY POMPEO: It’s great to be with you, too. Good morning.

QUESTION: How important is all of that to dealing with Iran in the Middle East?

QUESTION: But those students —

SECRETARY POMPEO: I think you’ll see more to follow in the coming weeks and months.

QUESTION: China and Iran being on our radar, very obvious. We haven’t heard much about Russia. Are things quiet with Russia now?

SECRETARY POMPEO: I’ll tell David to give you a holler. (Laughter.)

QUESTION: Thank you very much, Mr. Secretary.

SECRETARY POMPEO: Thank you very —

QUESTION: I have to go to the top to get a return phone call. (Laughter.)

QUESTION: That’s right. (Inaudible.)

SECRETARY POMPEO: I’ll make it happen. Thank you all.

QUESTION: Thank you very much, Secretary.

SECRETARY POMPEO: You all have a great day.

QUESTION: Have a great day. Mike Pompeo. This was Mornings on the Mall. Hold tight.

Secretary Pompeo’s Call with Japanese Foreign Minister Motegi

08/31/2020

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Secretary Pompeo’s Call with Japanese Foreign Minister Motegi

08/31/2020 01:09 PM EDT

Office of the Spokesperson

The following is attributable to Spokesperson Morgan Ortagus:

Secretary of State Michael R. Pompeo spoke today with Japanese Foreign Minister Toshimitsu Motegi. Secretary Pompeo and Foreign Minister Motegi discussed coordination on shared priorities in the Indo-Pacific region, including upholding the region’s rules-based order. The Secretary and the Foreign Minister reaffirmed the strength of the U.S.-Japan Alliance and our shared commitment to ensuring peace and security in the region and the world.

Secretary Pompeo’s Call with Guyanese President Ali

08/31/2020

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Secretary Pompeo’s Call with Guyanese President Ali

08/31/2020 04:26 PM EDT

Office of the Spokesperson

The below is attributable to Spokesperson Morgan Ortagus:‎

Secretary of State Michael R. Pompeo spoke today with Guyanese President Mohamed Irfaan Ali. Secretary Pompeo congratulated President Ali on his electoral victory, which reflected a free, fair, credible, and transparent electoral process that respects the rule of law and the will of the Guyanese people. The Secretary added that the United States looks forward to working with Guyana to advance shared values, economic prosperity, and security in the region.

Deputy Secretary Biegun Remarks at the U.S.-India Strategic Partnership Forum

08/31/2020

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Deputy Secretary Biegun Remarks at the U.S.-India Strategic Partnership Forum

08/31/2020 06:40 PM EDT

Stephen Biegun, Deputy Secretary of State

AMBASSADOR VERMA: Thank you, Mahesh, and for all the great work that GE has done over the years in India. And Mr. Secretary, thank you for being with us, thank you for your leadership, your service on North Korea, and now as Deputy Secretary. As Mahesh mentioned, you were a key member of the National Security Council staff for President Bush 43, and were – and a key fixture in the House and Senate as well, where we got to work closely together when you worked for Senator Frist nearly 18 years ago, and of course your time in private industry.

So no one is better suited to be the Deputy Secretary at this time. I also know how much you value the U.S.-India partnership, and we’ve talked about that over the years. And I’m really proud that in these highly polarized times, you and I have remained exceptionally good friends and colleagues, as well. Grateful for your service and I’m grateful for your friendship.

Mr. Secretary, I know you have some opening remarks; I’ll turn the floor over to you. And then we’ll engage in a Q&A. So over to you.

DEPUTY SECRETARY BIEGUN: Well, thank you very much, Rich, and thank you, Mahesh, for that kind introduction. First, I just want to make a mention: This morning, I was greeted by the news regarding a loss to the people of India, and I want to convey on behalf of the United States our deepest condolences to the people of India on the passing of former President Pranab Mukherjee. He’ll go down in history among India’s most distinguished statesmen and scholars, and his many visits to Washington, everything he did for the relationship, played an instrumental role in expanding this U.S.-India relationship, both in defense and external affairs when he was the minister. A strong U.S.-India partnership will be one of his many lasting legacies, and it’s one that we can honor by our work in fora like this today.

It’s a pleasure to be here. I want to thank the entire leadership of the U.S.-India Strategic Partnership Forum, including Mukesh Aghi and Chairman John Chambers. I was in the private sector when the foundation was formed; I thought it was a great idea, a great initiative. I didn’t stay long enough in the private sector to be the partner I wanted to be, but I’m very pleased to see that in fact the initiative has worked very well, and it’s great to be able to participate in this event today alongside so many champions of the U.S.-India relationship, including you, Rich, my old friend.

Rich, I – when I was in the private sector, you were a great partner, and it’s my great privilege to reciprocate that. We worked on the Civil Nuclear Agreement together when I was in the private sector and you were in government, and also on many other initiatives of the U.S.-India relationship during your distinguished ambassadorial tenure. And so it’s my great pleasure to reciprocate now, and thank you very much for asking me to be here today.

Some of you may know that Rich recently completed his Ph.D., so Dr. Verma perhaps is more appropriate. And I know it’s late for some of you joining from India, so I’ll try to make this as interactive and interesting and quick as possible.

In two weeks, we will mark the 20th anniversary of Prime Minister Vajpayee’s historic visit to Washington, D.C. Way back then I was working on the Senate Foreign Relations Committee at the time, and I recall the energy and enthusiasm that accompanied his visit and his joint address before Congress. President Vajpayee spent some time at the Foreign Relations Committee before going over to dedicate the monument to Mahatma Gandhi that had been erected in front of the Indian Embassy. And just a few short weeks ago, I and the Indian ambassador had a chance to rededicate, if you will, the monument, after having fixed some of the damage that was unfortunately done to it during the recent protests on the streets of Washington, D.C. It’s a proud monument to our relationship and one that will stand as a symbol of that relationship for many years to come.

Four U.S. presidents and three Indian prime ministers – all from different political persuasions – have invested in the U.S.-India partnership over the last two decades. They have been guided by the premise that a stronger relationship between the world’s largest and oldest democracies can promote prosperity and development for our citizens, ensure our sovereignty, combat terrorism, safeguard our people, and ensure that the rules-based global order remains robust and resilient through the 21st century. And they have largely succeeded in leaving the relationship in an even better place in each case for their successor as president, and I expect this administration to be no exception.

As the fulcrum of global geopolitics and economics shifts to the Indo-Pacific, our partnership with India has become all the more vital. To borrow a phrase from my – Prime Minister Vajpayee – we have “overcome the hesitations of history” to achieve a strong and stable partnership underpinned by that shared democratic values and common interests. Our relationship today spans the globe, covering everything from aircraft carriers and space exploration to energy security and the all-important domain of vaccine research. As with any close partnership, challenges do arise, but our track record has proven that through patience, dialogue, and a bit of good will, we can overcome any obstacle.

President Bush, the architect of the U.S.-India Civil Nuclear Agreement, once stated that “the United States and India, separated by half the globe, are closer than ever before, and the partnership between our free nations has the power to transform the world.” That still holds true today, and I am confident that the future beckons new milestones for our dynamic and growing partnership.

Once again, thank you very much for inviting me to be part of this program today. And Rich, I’d be pleased to answer any questions or enter into a discussion on any topics that you’d like to raise. Thank you.

AMBASSADOR VERMA: Yeah, that’s great. Thank you, Mr. Secretary, for those good framing remarks. I want to jump right in. You noted that U.S.-India ties have been on a decidedly upward trend line for many years. You also have been a big architect of the Free and Open Indo-Pacific Strategy. And I’m wondering if you can just say a little bit about how India and how U.S.-India ties specifically fits into that larger Free and Open Indo-Pacific Strategy.

DEPUTY SECRETARY BIEGUN: Yeah, thanks, Rich. Well, one of the things that animates the – our new Indo-Pacific strategy is the importance of having a strategy that reflects the realities of the modern world, and the Indo-Pacific strategy is focused around democracies. It’s focused around free markets. It’s focused upon the values that the Indian government and the Indian people share with the United States government and the United States people. In order to make that successful we have to tap into the full scale of the region. That includes the scale of economics, the scale of security cooperation, and that’s impossible to do without India as a centerpiece of the strategy. So as important as I’d like to think the United States is to this strategy, it’s not going to be successful for us without India also standing side by side.

And India has shown tremendous leadership and interest in contributing in its own right to the Indo-Pacific strategy we’re advancing. India and the United States have deepened our security cooperation. We’ve – we’re in the process of seeking an even broader economic relationship and through – including through some dimensions of trade liberalization. And we’re also working very closely in the security sphere, most recently India clearly indicating an intention to invite Australia to participate in the Malabar naval exercises, which will be a tremendous step forward in ensuring the freedom of passage and the security of the seas in the Indo-Pacific.

So in many ways, across multiple dimensions, the U.S.-India relationship is contributing to this, but also you see it in the personal interactions between Indian leaders and American leaders. Those relationships have formed across different ideological foundations and different political parties over many, many years. When you see our leaders together, you can tell that the wind is blowing in this direction in both countries, and that really will make us that much more successful with our strategies.

AMBASSADOR VERMA: Yeah, thank you for that, Mr. Secretary. One of the elements of the free and open strategy seems to be the development of this Quad formation, and you mentioned Australia joining Malabar. But again, India has been a key member of the Quad. I wonder if you could, again, say a little bit about what the Quad is, both militarily and politically, and how important that is going forward.

DEPUTY SECRETARY BIEGUN: Yeah, so the Quad, which I think everyone knows is the United States, India, Australia, and Japan, first of all represent four extraordinarily solid democracies. And I think that’s critically important because while interests will drive all our nations to make choices in the policy sphere in the Indo-Pacific and beyond, shared values that complement shared interests create a solid foundation. And so at its core, what the Quad is is a combination of democracies. But I think what also illuminates those four parties is a sense of responsibility and willingness to uphold the responsibilities, to extend the benefits of democracy, extend the benefits of economic development, and extend the benefits of security throughout the region. All four of us, of course, are Pacific powers.

India has been somewhat – as an aside from some of the other regional institutions built – for example, AIPAC – and here, having the vision on our part to extend the Indo-Pacific relationship all the way to India and having the Indian willingness to break out of really what was decades of neutrality and a well-informed caution to extend its interests into the world. India has also, as it’s grown and its interests have grown, India recognizes that it can’t be a passive player in how that develops throughout the Indo-Pacific. So it’s a real coincidence of a variety of factors that are underpinned by that historic shared value of democracy that I think is really what illustrates the Quad. And the Quad isn’t exclusive. I think there’s plenty of reason to bring other countries into this discussion as well.

During the darkest days – and the days aren’t exactly that bright, admittedly, for India or the United States. But during the darkest days of the COVID crisis, when it really was first descending upon us and we knew so little about it and so little about how to respond to it, a group of Indo-Pacific nations came together in a weekly meeting to discuss how we can cooperate across the whole breadth of issues that we were contending with, ranging from best practices in treating COVID-19 to shared information on the nature of the virus to helping each other locate or allocate desperately needed personal protection equipment and medications, and also how to respond to the severe disinformation campaign that was being launched in particular from China.

That weekly meeting was done in a conference call chaired by the United States. It included Harsh Shringla, my counterpart in India, but also our counterparts in Japan and Australia, as well as our counterparts in South Korea and in Vietnam, and – oh, and New Zealand as well. And seven of us on a weekly basis at my level – so just below the ministerial level – in each of those governments met weekly, and it was an incredibly productive discussion among very, very cooperative partners and one that we should look to to see a natural grouping of countries that really will do their very best to advance this combination of interests that we have in the Indo-Pacific.

So there’s a lot we are doing. There’s going to be meeting of the Quad, a ministerial meeting with the Quad this fall in Delhi – that’s the intention anyway – in person. I’d say this Quad concept has really helped India find a place in the Indo-Pacific – in the larger Indo-Pacific theater. It’s also obviously indeed in our interest to have India as a partner in these issues.

AMBASSADOR VERMA: Thank you for that. Let me ask you two follow-up questions that will be helpful. Would there be any attempts to formalize the Quad Plus that you just described? And secondly, for people who say, look, both the Quad, the Quad Plus, the larger strategy is all about counterbalancing the rise of China, is this about kind of a countering China effort, or is there more to it?

DEPUTY SECRETARY BIEGUN: So your first question on formalizing it, it’s certainly a temptation in governments. Governments oftentimes live for their legacy, and certainly creating a new institution that reflects our shared interests and values in the Indo-Pacific would be a great accomplishment for any president. I think we’re going to have to be a little bit careful here in doing that, although I think from an American perspective that would be easy. We’ve got to make sure everybody’s moving at the same speed.

The – it is a reality that the Indo-Pacific region is actually lacking in strong multilateral structures. They don’t have anything of the fortitude of NATO or the European Union. The strongest institutions in Asia oftentimes are not – not inclusive enough, and so it is certainly – there is certainly an invitation there at some point to formalize a structure like this.

But I think your second question ties in very much to that, which is the question of for what purpose. And obviously the benefits are sustained, regular communication between countries with those shared interests and values. I don’t think responding to the threat of China in and of itself or any potential challenge from China in and of itself would be enough of a driver, though. It also has to have a positive agenda. And so here it can be – they’re sides to the same coin.

The purpose here can be to create a critical mass around the shared values and interests of those parties in a manner that attracts more countries in the Indo-Pacific, and even from around the world, to be working in a common cause or even ultimately to align in a more structured manner with them. I think this was very much the initiative of the Trans-Pacific Partnership agreement. And – but I’m afraid what happened with TPP is the ambitions got too big and ultimately it fell under the weight of excessive ambition, so I think also we have to be careful and modest here.

Starting with the Quad, starting with just the four might be a very important start, and it’s something that I think in the second term of the Trump administration or, were the President not to win, the first term of the next president, it could be something that would be very much worthwhile to be explored. I’d just be very careful to not define it solely as an initiative to contain or to defend against China. I don’t think that’s enough. And then second, I would be careful not to be too ambitious in that as well. I’ve heard – I’ve heard loose talk about an Indo-Pacific NATO and so on. But remember, even NATO started with relatively modest expectations and a number of countries chose neutrality over NATO membership in post-World War II Europe. The original NATO North Atlantic alliance only had 12 members relative to its 27 today. So you can start a little bit smaller and grow into your membership.

So as long as we keep the purpose right and as long as we keep the ambitions checked to start with a very strong set of members, I think it’s worth exploring an (inaudible) like that, although it only will happen if the other countries are as committed as the United States.

AMBASSADOR VERMA: Yeah, that’s really helpful. Let me just stay on the China question, if I can. Obviously, India is in a dangerous neighborhood and China has taken aggressive actions along its borders, India’s borders. We’ve also seen the ramping up of pressure in Hong Kong and in other parts of the Indo-Pacific. How concerned are you? And again, what’s – maybe you could just share a little bit about the strategy. I know you’ve testified about this and spoken a lot about this, but if you could give us just a minute or two on what the larger strategy is to deal with the emerging and growing threat.

DEPUTY SECRETARY BIEGUN: Sure. Thank you, Rich. The – as I said in my testimony on Capitol Hill about three weeks ago, we are – our strategy is to push back against China in virtually every domain. We’re doing it in the security area. We’re doing it in terms of outsized demands to claim sovereign territory, whether it’s in the Galwan Valley of India on the India-Chinese border, or whether it’s in the South Pacific. We’re also doing it economically. The President has led the charge against the predatory practices from the Chinese economy and the Phase One trade deal is just a first step in that to be followed by many other steps in the years ahead in order to equalize and balance out the U.S.-China economic relationship.

Underpinning all of that is a demand for basic reciprocity. For a very long time I think there had been a desire to extend to China special privileges and benefits, and even the benefit of the doubt among them, in order to bring China into the – into a more modern and prosperous future. But unfortunately, 20 years ago when that initiative really was launched in earnest with China’s entry into the World Trade Organization, the bet by most policymakers was that eventually, the weight of the institutions that China was joining would slowly redirect the Chinese political system and Chinese interests to a point where China would become much more invested in a rules-based order that if not making them a true democracy, would at least moderate the tendencies of the government in order to make it a better partner for many of us around the world.

Unfortunately, this administration has reached the conclusion that that experiment has failed across all the domains that I mentioned where we’re pushing back against China. Instead of finding some reasonable balance and shared interests, we’ve found that the Chinese have exploited every opportunity they can from technology theft to assertion of national sovereignty over the territory and territorial waters of other countries, and we are in a concerted effort to push back on all fronts. But perhaps the biggest failed assumption was that the institutions that China joined would ultimately change China, and what we’ve found is in fact China grew so quickly at the beginning of this century that China’s outsized influence in those institutions is instead seeking to transform those institutions to China’s interests. That’s unacceptable from our point of view and we’re pushing back in the institutions like the World Health Organization or like the World international – Intellectual Property Organization. We’re pushing back hard to ensure that organizations either adhere to their core principles or we make clear we’re not going to be a party to those efforts. So the – there’s a lot of concern about China, but there’s also a – to use a cliche, there’s an all-of-government effort here to turn it back.

Let me just add one thing, Rich, that as you look at these issues, as we look at these issues, it should always be important for us to look at them from the lens of how they look from Beijing as well. And I have to say that there’s probably ample cause and even real concern inside Beijing as to what they’re confronting. Internally, China is simultaneously trying to erase Tibetan cultural identity; they’re repressing hundreds of thousands if not more than a million Uyghur Muslims and trying to separate these people from their faith and from their historical tradition. The Chinese Government is – has breached the U.S.-China – or excuse me, the U.K.-China agreement on the transition of Hong Kong and asserted direct state control from Beijing that has completely abolished the “one China, two systems” commitment that the Chinese made to – made to the U.K. and to the Hong Kong people to uphold through 2049.

But beyond the internal challenges, China is also facing deep strategic and economic tensions with the United States of America, as the United States seeks to push back against these various areas of concern that I highlighted, at the same time that they’re in near hostilities with the Government of India, that they are in a state of hostility with the people of Taiwan, that they are in a competition and sometimes less than – a less than cooperative relationship with Japan, that they’ve had a deep, steep deterioration of their relationship with Australia and to some extent with New Zealand, and they’ve been in a contentious battle of words and more with many of our partners in Europe over COVID-19 disinformation as well as a number of other Chinese behaviors that are deeply disturbing to our European partners.

And so from China’s perspective, whatever they’re doing can’t possibly be seen as working as they’re picking a fight right now on virtually every front and on every area of interest that the People’s Republic of China has.

AMBASSADOR VERMA: Yeah.

DEPUTY SECRETARY BIEGUN: They’re feeling their oats right now. They’ve got a head of steam. They’ve got – while they were the first country to be hit by the COVID-19, they were also one of the first to come out of it and leveraged that position relentlessly in order to advantage Chinese policies. But honestly, they were so heavy-handed in that effort as well that I think it backfired against them in most parts of the world.

Now, I’m not gloating. I’m not wishing ill for China. Personally, I would prefer a much more cooperative relationship with China than we have today, but China bears a substantial part of the responsibility for where we are today and the Chinese Government is going to have to make some significant commitments and changes in what they’re doing – not in what they’re saying, but what they’re doing – if we’re going to see any reversal of that trend.

AMBASSADOR VERMA: Yeah. Mr. Secretary, it’s really (inaudible) you. I know we’re out of time, but I also know perhaps in 60 seconds or less I can ask you a couple of questions we didn’t get to take, and apologies to your staff in advance. But just yes or no, I guess: Do you think we’ve got a chance at a mini trade deal before the election? Secondly, is there more we can do on defense cooperation and export controls, perhaps more on tech transfer? And I guess finally, just with regard to Indian students and Indian workers who are traveling to the U.S., do you feel – do you still feel confident that we remain a country that welcomes them and we have the ability to process their visas and get them here to do the jobs that they’re doing?

DEPUTY SECRETARY BIEGUN: Yeah, thanks, Rich. So on the first question – sorry, what was the first one again?

AMBASSADOR VERMA: The first question was about the trade deal.

DEPUTY SECRETARY BIEGUN: Yeah. I think there’s a chance. It’s going to take a little more energy. The time is short before the U.S. elections and a lot of governments around the world are hedging a little bit; I wouldn’t be surprised if the Indian Government as well. But Prime Minister Modi and President Trump are actually – have a strong personal bond and a strong commitment to do this, so there’s a chance. I know USTR is continuing to work at it.

What was your second one, now?

AMBASSADOR VERMA: On defense. Do you see more we can do on defense technology transfer and defense trade and cooperation?

DEPUTY SECRETARY BIEGUN: I think this is an area – and I spoke to Ambassador Juster about this just recently – I think this is a huge area of opportunity. I think India has even more alarm about the neighborhood in which it’s – in which it resides with the recent clashes with China. We’re very eager to help India become a – become and remain a world-class power in contributing net security rather than worrying about net security and how it affects their interests. And I think defense cooperation is a key avenue for this.

One of the countervailing trends is India’s appropriate desire to be more – also be more self-sufficient in defense, and I get that. No country wants to be entirely dependent upon other parties. Even in a partnership as close as the United States and India, there are times in which that – which that can be tested by other events in the regions – in the region or in the country. And so I understand that, but I think it can’t come at the exclusion of giving India the best-in-class defense capabilities, and I think India’s going to find

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Saturday, 5 September 2020

U.S. Department of State Weekly Digest Bulletin

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U.S. Department of State Weekly Digest Bulletin

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